Showing posts with label dissent. Show all posts
Showing posts with label dissent. Show all posts

Monday, April 30, 2007

Iran's Unhappy Labor Movement

All is not happiness in the theocracy of Iran. Apparently, a few of the workers and teachers, obviously not sufficiently moved by the will of Allah as revealed by the Supreme Guide and Ahmedinejad, are expressing their displeasure at working conditions and lack of pay through planned protests. It seems Ahmedinejad is set to crush the protests and, further, is set to reveal new "reforms" to Iran's labor laws that would make our own robber barons of old look like pikers. Amir Taheri explains:

. . . Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad appears . . . determined to confront his country's increasingly restive labor movement.

The showdown, which began last year, could reach a peak this week with government plans to crush May Day demonstrations by illegal trade unions.

In recent days, thousands of Islamic Revolutionary Guards have taken position around Tehran, ready to intervene if the International Labor Day demonstrations "get out of hand."

The Islamic Republic has always associated May 1 with leftist ideologies that it claims are "brewed by Jews," and tried to promote an alternative "Islamic Labor Day" on May 2.

This year, a number of illegal unions have announced May 1 demonstrations in Tehran and 20 provincial capitals. The new Workers' Organizations and Activists Coordination Council (WOACC), a grouping of over 80 illegal unions claiming a total membership of over a million in 22 cities, is leading the move.

Equally of concern to the authorities is a decision by the illegal Iranian Teachers' Association (ITA) to organize a mass May Day rally in front of the Ministry of Education headquarters in Tehran. This will be the first of a series of weekly demonstration by ITA, with the second set for May 17, in front of the Islamic Consultative Majlis (Parliament) building in Tehran.

Claiming to speak on behalf of Iran's estimated 450,000 teachers, ITA has shown its strength by organizing a series of strikes that shut down thousands of schools across the country since September.

WOACC, the workers/activists coun cil, emerged in the wake of strikes by Tehran transport workers that brought the capital to a standstill last year.

The authorities managed to end that strike with a mixture of mass arrests and wage concessions. But the example set in Tehran spread to other cities and industries.

Since then, the government has had to cope with strikes by textile workers in Sari; gas workers in Bid Boland; oil-refinery workers in Abadan; copper miners in Sarcheshmeh; autoworkers in Tehran, and machine-tool workers in Albroz and Arak.

Work has also stopped on some projects linked to Iran's first (and so far only) nuclear power plant, under construction by a Russian company at Hellieh, on the Persian Gulf, because of action by illegal unions. Last month, strikes halted work on a $1 billion offshore oil project, led by the French energy giant Total, in Iranian waters in the Persian Gulf.

THE rising labor movement started with local grievances linked to wages and working conditions. In recent months, however, it has developed a broader consciousness by highlighting issues that concern most workers.

One issue that has brought the hitherto scattered unions together is their opposition to President Ahmadinejad's proposed new Islamic Labor Code. This is designed to replace the existing code, written with the help of the International Labor Organization (ILO) in the 1960s and amended in 1991.

Ahmadinejad claims that the existing Labor Code is "a Jewish-Crusader" document imposed by the ILO, itself "a tool of the American Great Satan." The text he proposes would cancel virtually all the rights that working people have won throughout the world over centuries of social struggle and political reform.

It abolishes the legal minimum wage in favor of rates fixed through agreement by employers and employees.

It also allows for the generalization of verbal employment contracts, gives employers the right to hire and fire as they please - and makes legal holidays, sick leave and pension schemes conditional to agreements on a case-by-case basis.

It also imposes a ban on independent trade unions. Instead, it proposes the creation of Islamic Guidance Councils to promote "Islamic values and sensibilities" among workers.

In a detailed critique of the proposed text, WOACC shows that the new code violates the Islamic Republic's Constitution and Article 23 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as accords that Iran has signed with the ILO over decades.

"The proposed text is a charter for slavery disguised as an Islamic code," a WOACC spokesman in Tehran said over the telephone last week.

That view is shared by some members of the Majlis, who criticize Ahmadinejad's refusal to submit his text to normal parliamentary procedures. Instead, the Ministry of Labor is trying to railroad the draft law through a Majlis committee controlled by pro-Ahmadinejad members.

Ahmadinejad's confrontational style in dealing with the labor movement has also been criticized by some top mullahs within the regime.

Islamic Chief Justice Ayatollah Mahmoud Shahroudi has warned that the government's repressive approach could destabilize the regime. Former President Hashemi-Rafsanjani, a mullah-cum-businessman who heads the powerful Expediency Council, has called for "sensitivity" in dealing with what may be the most serious challenge to regime in years.

WHY is Ahmadinejad determined to defy a grass- root workers' movement by imposing an unpopular law?

Part of the answer may lie in the massive privatization scheme that he plans to unveil this year. According to government sources, this would put 44 state-owned conglomerates on sale at a total price of $18 billion. These businesses employ an estimated 3.5 million people across the country. A majority of likely buyers will be mullahs and their associates, operating through supposedly religious and charitable foundations, along with officers of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Although potential gold mines, most of the businesses concerned have been losing money for years, because of inefficient management and corruption. They also suffer from the fact that they have had to employ far too many people - often because of nepotism and favor-distribution to benefit powerful figures of the regime.

Under the existing Labor Code, it would be difficult for the new owners to downsize the labor force or close loss-making units. Ahmadinejad's new code would give future owners carte blanche to reorganize the businesses. By unofficial estimates, a million people could lose their jobs under privatization.

"Ahmadinejad is laying the banquet table for a big feast of plunder," said WOACC's spokesman. "The mullahs and Revolutionary Guardsmen who will buy the state-owned businesses, always with money borrowed from state-owned banks, plan to fire as many workers and strip as many assets as possible, taking their loot to Malaysia, Dubai and Austria." . . .

Read the entire article here.

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Saturday, April 14, 2007

Villagers With Torches On Ahedinejad

Villagers with Torches takes a run into dark humor with their post on Ahmedinejad's internal crackdown on dissent in Iran - as well as America's heavy artillery that should be sent raining down upon their turbaned heads. Read it here.

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Saturday, April 7, 2007

What Now Inside Khomeinist Iran?

Walid Phares, the Middle East scholar and terrorism expert, argued at the start of the UK-hostage crisis that the Mullah's purpose in taking the hostages was mostly aimed inward, at providing justification for a tightening of the screws on a restive population and also an attempt at reigniting revolutionary zeal. See here and here. That assessment is borne out by Iranian author Amir Taheri, who gives us a view of the crackdown that is going on today in the wake of the hostage crisis.

. . . The crackdown is beginning to gather pace. Several publications critical of government have been shut down, and numerous officials regarded as "not revolutionary enough" elbowed out, especially in the provinces. And now the regime seems to be setting the stage for show trials that recall the worst days of Stalinism in the Soviet Union.

Last month, a member of the Majlis, the regime's ersatz parliament, was sent to prison for six years on trumped-up charges. The real "crime" of Salaheddin Ala'i: He had criticized the killing of dissidents in Iran's Kurdistan province.

Next week, it will be the turn of former Deputy Interior Minister Mostafa Tajzadeh, who'll stand trial on charges of undermining the security of the Khomeinist state.

Tajzadeh is one of the establishment's most interesting figures. A man with impeccable revolutionary credentials, he has always insisted that the regime cannot ensure its future by silencing or murdering critics.
The next on the block is expected to be Muhammad Reza Khatami - a brother of former President Muhammad Khatami - who also has an impressive revolutionary resume.

In 1979, he was one of the two dozen or so "students" who raided the United States' Embassy in Tehran and seized its diplomats hostage. Later, he built a career in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and solidified his revolutionary credentials by marrying a granddaughter of Ruhallah Khomeini, the ayatollah who created the Islamic Republic. During his brother's presidency, Muhammad Reza acted as deputy speaker of the Majlis.

Yet, he too, is targeted by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's new radical administration - charged with "activities that undermine the Islamic system."

Ahmadinejad believes that people like these three represent dangers for the system - if only because they insist that the authorities should obey the laws set by their own regime. In his view, a revolutionary regime, because it stands outside the normal framework of history, simply cannot be bound by any law.

According to dissident sources in Tehran, the regime's security apparatus is preparing show trials for scores of others. The chief targets: thousands of middle-class elements who joined the Khomeinist revolution because of a misunderstanding. Ahmadinejad calls them "the half-pregnant ones" - people who dream of being revolutionaries but also crave for a comfortable, Western-style bourgeois life.

Ahmadinejad's supporters speak of a "third revolution" - which, in practice, would amount to a purge of dissidents within the establishment.

Many actual or would-be dissidents have already left Iran for what they hope will be temporary exile in Europe or America. They include a dozen former Cabinet ministers and hundreds of lesser functionaries and apologists. If the looming crackdown gathers pace, thousands more may join them.

To prepare the ground for his "third revolution," Ahmadinejad has worked on three schemes.

* First, he has radicalized political discourse.

Under his two predecessors, Presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani and Muhammad Khatami, the regime had gradually changed its vocabulary by abandoning the revolutionary terminology and borrowing terms of ordinary politics.

Those two mullah-presidents spoke of economic development, civil society and a dialogue of civilizations. They also allowed some space for non-revolutionary (though not overtly counter-revolutionary) expression in such fields as art, cinema and literature.

. . . * Second, Ahmadinejad aims to link any criticism of the system with foreign powers.

In the decisions to close newspapers or put "khodi" figures on trial, the authorities drop hints about illicit relations with "foreign enemies of Islam." This amounts to a return to classical revolutionary lore in which anyone who criticizes the regime must be an agent of a foreign enemy.

* Ahmadinejad's third and perhaps most important scheme is to revive the regime's pretension of sacredness. He claims to receive periodic instructions from the Hidden Imam - a Mahdi-figure who, according to Shiite lore, went into hiding in 940 A.D. and will someday return to preside over the end of the world. He has thus restored the concept of the Hidden Imam to a central position within the Khomeinist doctrine.

The concept was pure fiction from the start, and most leaders of the Islamic Republic realized that retaining it posed insurmountable theo-political problems. This is why the Hidden Imam was given a back seat under Rafsanjani and Khatami, although both are Shiite clerics.

By restoring the Hidden Imam, Ahmadinejad makes it impossible for anyone to claim that Shiism, let alone Islam, admits of a range of interpretations. In this version of the Khomeinist doctrine, Islam is equated with Shiism, Shiism with the Hidden Imam - and the Hidden Imam with the Khomeinist regime.

THE "half pregnant" had hoped that "Supreme Guide" Ali Khamenehi might, would, at some point, restrain Ahmadinejad. Earlier this month, however, Khamenehi, in his Iranian New Year message, paid glowing tribute to Ahmadinejad, and endorsed his strategy.

The "half-pregnant" are now forced to choose between becoming full-blown revolutionaries - or joining the counter-revolution.

Read the entire article here. There has also been a return to public punishents under Sharia law:
The reformist website Rooz reported on April 5, 2007 that the Friday prayer leader of Shiraz, a city in the heart of Iran, had called for more public punishments, as prescribed by "hodud," Islamic penal law.

After a convicted thief’s hand was amputated in public in Kermanshah, Ayatollah Mohiyeddin Shirazi, an appointee of the supreme leader of Iran, criticized the halting of public punishments, and added, "Those who say that practices like amputating hands belong to the past are themselves part of the past." He also claimed that imprisonment had no effect "on educating criminals and reducing crime."

At a meeting with judges from Fars province, Shirazi argued that public punishments are more effective that imprisonment: "Prison and imprisoning individuals do not have an effect on educating criminals and reducing crime. They also add to corruption." He also called for using criminals convicted for drug-related charges as forced labor.

Kermanshah judiciary head Allahyar Malekshahi promised more amputations in the future and said that citizens had requested the public amputation.

Contine reading here. (h/t LGF)

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Thursday, February 22, 2007

EGYPTIAN BLOGGER JAILED FOR FOUR YEARS

As Instapundit has summed it up with his usual brevity, "this sucks." It is a true crushing of free speech sorely needed in Egypt. If the Bush doctrine of promoting democracy and freedom in the Middle East has any meaning, this act should drastically effect the amount of foreign aid we are giving Egypt for at least as long as Abdel Karim Suleiman sits in an Egyptian prison. If you feel the same way I do, please express your opinions to the White House, to yours Senators, and to your Representative.

White House: http://www.whitehouse.gov/contact/
Sen: http://www.senate.gov/general/contact_information/senators_cfm.cfm
Representative: http://www.house.gov/writerep/

Update: For a good background to this story, see Michelle Malkin's post here.

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